Dhaka: Disinformation is a grave danger than accurate information. Disinformation is more dangerous and harmful. The scourge of disinformation is going beyond the limits in post-July Revolution Bangladesh. It would not be right to ignore this scourge at all. Rather, if the scourge of disinformation is ignored, it will strangle the real truth like an octopus.

Needless to say, the main motivation behind all the political activities going on in Bangladesh recently is the democratic transition and the permanent end of dictatorship and fascism. In this case, the expectation has been expressed for the interim government to return to its work after handing over responsibility to the elected government. The declared intention of the current government is, ``The old Bangladesh was completely corrupt, so we want to build a new Bangladesh. In that case, we are getting a lot of support from all levels of the international community.'' If the interim government succeeds in this task, it will create history and they themselves will also occupy an honorable place in history.

It is true that the interim government is giving full value to freedom of information and expression on the path of democratic transition. All the information and truth that was suppressed by the terror of the dictatorship of the past and was stained with blood by the violence of fascism is gradually being revealed. The question is being raised in the media, ``Where are the murderers of the July Revolution?'' Such a question was unthinkable in the recent Bangladesh. In many cases, the victims are seeking redress. They are filing cases. The judicial process is moving forward at a normal pace. Another important prerequisite for democracy is the return of the atmosphere of justice or the rule of law, which was dominated by parties, individuals and groups in the past.

However, the situation after the July Revolution is not at all peaceful, but largely chaotic. Ambitious people are distorting justice or the rule of law. The business of lawsuits has started due to greed for money or revenge. As in the past, there is collusion between government officials and dishonest police officers in these business of lawsuits. Expatriates, professionals, and innocent ordinary people are being harassed by making them defendants in cases. Huge amounts of money are being extorted. In this, ordinary people are being harmed instead of the real criminals. In particular, revenge is being served. The issue of torturing many people by labeling them as allies of dictatorship and fascism is completely against the justice and rule of law of a democratic society. The issue of oppressing people by distorting law and justice is not at all compatible with democratic culture.

Similarly, there is extreme excess in the area of freedom of information and expression. Disinformation or misinformation is being spread freely. Rumors are being presented as truth or information. Information technology is being used by conspiracy groups in this regard. Even, false information is being spread through photo cards using the mastheads or logos of various famous newspapers and media outlets. Such malicious activities are the enemy of information and expression and cybercrime. Such criminal gangs are quite active at present. They often spread misinformation by impersonating various individuals or organizations, including the popular multimedia news portal Barta24.com, which has also been attacked. Popular portals are chosen by criminals. Popular media outlets in Bangladesh, including BBC and CNN, are repeatedly facing such attacks. There is no doubt that these misdeeds will disrupt the democratic transition and create confusion and disappointment in the public mind, thereby strengthening dictatorship and fascism.

As a result, the government, political parties, media and civil society must be extremely vigilant against the misdeeds of certain circles. We cannot run away just because we hear that 'Chile has taken notice'. We must investigate and uncover the real truth. The safest thing is to go to the main portal's webpage and verified Facebook page and compare suspicious news or information. If any inconsistencies are found, bring them to the attention of the authorities. If necessary, inform the Cyber Crime Division of the police about the misinformation and give them the opportunity to take necessary action.

The Cyber Crime Division of the Police also needs to maintain close relations and communication with the Ministry of Information and the media. So that if any rumors, lies, mistakes or misinformation arise, they can be brought under the law and suppressed on their own initiative. It is hoped that the cyber crime division of the police will be able to prevent the spread of misinformation.

Above all, in the midst of the difficulties that exist on the path to transition from a revolutionary situation to democracy, the spread of misinformation by ill-intentioned people can create various dangers and instability. It can bring the risk of instability in the socio-economic and political fields. Therefore, it is essential for those concerned to be vigilant in this regard.

Dr. Mahfuz Parvez: Associate Editor, Barta24.com; Professor and Chairman, Department of Political Science, Chittagong University and Executive Director, Chittagong Center for Regional Studies, Bangladesh (CCRSBD).

Bangladesh’s Constitutional Reform Commission’s recent report proposes changes that could have a profound impact on the country’s history. These proposed changes go beyond merely amending certain articles of the Constitution and indicate a fundamental restructuring. It suggests revolutionary changes in the core principles of the Constitution and the nature of governance.

The necessity of a strong constitutional framework to ensure the effectiveness of democratic processes in Bangladesh’s current political system is evident. However, if these proposed changes alter the fundamental structure of the Constitution, they could create risks of power centralization or unilateral dominance. The cornerstone of democracy is the balance of power, which ensures government accountability to the people. In the present context, if the proposed changes undermine this balance, they will go against the interests of the people.

Bangladesh’s current political situation is under international scrutiny. If constitutional changes undermine human rights or democratic processes, international pressure will increase.

The proposed changes are so deep and extensive that they are tantamount to creating a new Constitution. The legal and political legitimacy of such a new framework becomes a significant question. Referring to it as the "Constitution of 1972" could cause confusion among the public because it is not merely an amendment but an entirely new structure and philosophy. Even if legitimacy is sought through a referendum, it may appear to the public as an entirely new constitutional design.

The Role of Professor Ali Riaz

Under the leadership of Professor Ali Riaz, the commission has proposed a reform of the highest standard. He firmly advocated for a new Constitution and carried out his responsibilities with exceptional skill. While there are possibilities for debate regarding this proposed framework, there is little room for criticism regarding its intent and broader vision. The proposal for a new Constitution reflects the resolve to move towards a democratic, inclusive, and modern state.

Reform vs. New Framework

When compared with the general idea of constitutional amendments, this proposal goes much further. It attempts to redefine the basic structure of the state, the foundation of governance, and the relationship between the state and its people. It does not merely change laws but redefines issues such as representation, fundamental rights, and the balance of power.

Elections and Public Opinion

In Bangladesh’s current political landscape, elections remain a contentious issue. The proposal for a new Constitution could deepen divisions. A free, fair, and credible electoral process is essential for the legitimacy of any effort to reform the Constitution. Without public trust and support, such significant changes cannot be effective. Without public representation, significant constitutional changes may lose legitimacy in the eyes of the people. As a central component of the democratic process, elections reflect the people’s will. However, when elections are neither free, fair, nor credible, they erode public trust and create a crisis of political legitimacy.
Through a fair election, the representatives and government elected can honor public opinion on constitutional reform, ensuring broader public support. Examples from other countries, such as South Africa’s 1994 election or Indonesia’s democratic transition, prove that free elections can resolve political crises and establish new governance structures. Through such elections, people give legitimacy to their government, which helps build a strong and effective state.

Why Elections Are Necessary in the Present Context

In Bangladesh, the current political instability and lack of balance in power have intensified the need for a democratic election. Organizing a free, fair, and credible election in the current political crisis is critical because:

• A fair and neutral election can restore public trust. It will not only bring back political stability but also strengthen the democratic foundation of the state.

• A credible election can help resolve the current political disputes and pave the way for peace.

• Free and credible elections will enhance the country’s political legitimacy and acceptance in the eyes of the international community.

• Without elections, implementing a new Constitution could create a contentious and crisis-prone situation for the public.

In a democracy, no significant constitutional change should be enacted without public opinion. Organizing an urgent democratic election is the only way to rebuild the democratic structure of the country. Such an election will not only ensure a balance of power but also provide a solid foundation for long-term political stability and any efforts to reform the Constitution. Without democratic elections, any effort to reform or create a new constitutional framework could increase division and instability in the country. A democratic election is an essential step to bring back stability and undertake significant initiatives like constitutional reform. It could open a new chapter in the country’s political culture, pushing Bangladesh further along the path of development. A fair, free, and credible election can restore political stability in the country. Not only that, but it will also regain public trust and strengthen Bangladesh’s global image. However, if a fair election is not held on an urgent basis, political crises will worsen, and the country’s democratic framework will become more fragile.

The South Asian Context

In South Asian politics, constitutional amendments or rewriting have always been complex and sensitive issues. Constitutions in this region are not just legal documents; they act as the cornerstone of national identity, power structures, and political culture.
For example:

• India’s Emergency and the 42nd Amendment: During the 1975 Emergency, Indira Gandhi’s government tried to alter the fundamental framework of the Constitution, limiting the powers of the judiciary and other democratic institutions. Although the Supreme Court, in the Kesavananda Bharati case, later established the "basic structure doctrine" to limit such changes, this experience highlighted how constitutional amendments could divide public opinion and weaken democratic structures. In the landmark case of Sankari Prasad v. Union of India (1951), the Court distinguished between legislative power and constituent power, asserting that the authority to amend a constitution is not a standard legislative function but rather an exercise of constituent power. Consequently, it deemed the amending power to be "absolute."

• Pakistan’s 18th Amendment: For instance, during General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime, Islamic provisions were introduced into the Constitution, deepening political and social divisions.

• Sri Lanka’s 20th Amendment: The recent amendment expanded presidential powers, creating dissatisfaction among the public and threatening democracy.

• Controversial Fourth Amendment (1975) of Bangladesh: This amendment increased the president's powers and introduced a one-party system (BAKSAL). It raised significant concerns about the future of democracy and paved the way for military rule in the country. In the same way the Fifteenth Amendment (2011) abolished the caretaker government system. It caused significant political unrest and further intensified the conflict between the two major political parties. Such amendments demonstrate that constitutional reforms, when implemented without considering public opinion, can divide the nation and weaken the democratic framework.

These examples show how constitutional amendments often create political conflicts, divide public opinion, and raise questions about legal legitimacy.
Lessons from South Asia

India’s constitutional amendments or Sri Lanka’s constitutional reform experiences prove that efforts to amend the Constitution often divide public opinion and upset the balance of power. In Pakistan’s case, military interventions and repeated constitutional changes have weakened the country’s democratic framework. Bangladesh is no exception, as constitutional amendments have often been used as tools to fulfill the political interests of ruling governments. Lessons from South Asia reveal that constitutional amendments driven by the ruling party’s agenda, without considering public opinion and interest, risk weakening democracy. Such processes can lead to public distrust and political instability.
Future Directions

The current proposal to rewrite Bangladesh’s Constitution raises a fundamental question: Does it truly reflect the will of the people, or is it another attempt at centralizing power? Without a participatory and transparent process that prioritizes public opinion, these proposed changes could pose a threat to democracy and social unity.

If a free, fair, and credible election is held in Bangladesh, the country’s political environment could see positive changes. Proposals for constitutional reform will only gain acceptance when they reflect public opinion and genuine aspirations. Such initiatives not only restore political stability but also strengthen democratic values.

Bangladesh’s Constitution is more than a legal document; it symbolizes national identity like national flag. Every amendment or redrafting should be based on public opinion to ensure that it serves as the foundation of a stable, democratic, and inclusive state. Experiences from South Asian countries teach us that constitutional reform must be completed with deep political and social responsibility.

The challenges highlighted in this reform report underscore the need for active public participation and a transparent process to ensure the acceptance of a new Constitution. Gathering public opinion through referendums or public hearings could be an effective approach.

If the new Constitution aims to create a strong, inclusive, and democratic state structure, it must become a symbol of national consensus, not merely a legal document. In the context of Bangladesh, constitutional reform is a significant proposal, but its acceptance depends on the people’s will. A free, fair and participatory democratic election is the most effective way to reflect public opinion and ensure the legitimacy of such profound changes.

Md Hossain Al Rashed Badol, Bachelor’s and Master’s Degree, Faculty of Law & Justice, Jahangirnagar University.Research Assistant, Ecological Right Project, James E. Rogers College of Law University of Arizona, University of Arizona, USA. Joint Convener, Bangladesh Nationalist Student Party (Chatrodal), Fellow Arizona Student Association.

The Arakan Army has taken up arms to ensure the interests of the Rakhine people and has formed an alternative administrative structure by taking local power under their control. In addition to the armed struggle, it is carrying out various important tasks such as health, administration, education and reconstruction.

After the apparent occupation of Rakhine, the Arakan Army has expressed interest in resolving the current situation politically and therefore, they have kept the door open for talks in accordance with the policy of finding a political solution to political problems. If the Myanmar junta does not resolve this crisis politically, the situation is likely to become more complicated. If it tries to deal with this situation militarily, there is a risk of further destruction and humanitarian disaster in Rakhine. As a result, the security of the Bangladesh-Myanmar border will be disrupted. If the situation in Rakhine deteriorates, new Rohingya infiltration and a humanitarian crisis in Rakhine may arise.

Rakhine State is very important in geostrategic and economic terms. The Myanmar junta is currently planning a massive naval and land offensive in coastal areas to retake Rakhine State from the Arakan Army, including deploying warships, massing troops on the ground, and launching airstrikes. If the junta does not resolve the crisis politically, it could escalate into a full-scale, protracted conflict, resulting in significant casualties and humanitarian crises. The Myanmar Air Force received six Su-30 SME fighter jets, an upgraded version of the Sukhoi Su-300, from Russia on January 10. The Myanmar junta is preparing to bolster its air capabilities to counter the insurgents. The junta has also changed its tactics and is using drones and jammers, built with the help of China and Russia, to attack the insurgents. The Myanmar junta could use these fighter jets to weaken the Arakan Army, and could also launch drone strikes to destroy Arakan Army camps. If these are used against the Arakan Army in Rakhine, the intensity of the conflict will increase and it will turn into a long-term war. If the war starts in Rakhine, Bangladesh will face several problems. If the Myanmar army cannot survive the attack, the Arakan Army members may also enter Bangladesh. Before this, the members of the Myanmar Border Guard Force had not survived the attack of the Arakan Army and fled to Bangladesh. They were sent back to Myanmar through diplomatic negotiations. If the Arakan Army members enter Bangladesh due to the Myanmar Army's counterattack, it will create complications in sending them back. If the attack intensifies, there is a possibility of new Rohingya infiltration. Considering the situation in the coming days, Bangladesh must prepare now. For this, Bangladesh must be ready to deploy the BGB, Coast Guard and army to ensure strict security on the Myanmar border. It must maintain diplomatic contact with the Myanmar government so that Bangladesh is not affected by the internal conflict in Myanmar.

In addition, discussions should be initiated with international organizations including the Red Cross so that they can take appropriate measures in Rakhine considering the situation. Bangladesh is also under security and other pressures due to the ongoing crisis in Myanmar. In addition to the citizenship and acceptance of the Rohingya, how Bangladesh can establish relations with the Arakan Army has become important. There are allegations that the Arakan Army has been extorting and looting in the Rohingya areas during the ongoing Operation 1027. The military junta has used some Rohingyas against the Arakan Army with military training and weapons. This has had and will continue to have an impact on the development of Rohingya-Rakhine relations. If we are to find a complete solution to the issue of Rohingya citizenship, Bangladesh will also have to maintain relations with the Arakan Army. The Arakan Army is now the dominant force in important issues such as Bangladesh-Myanmar border security, preventing the infiltration of terrorist groups and drug smuggling. The Arakan Army has not yet officially stated its position on the repatriation of the Rohingya. They are clearly saying that this is a political issue, not a military one. They will decide on this issue only after establishing full control in Rakhine. However, armed Rohingya groups supporting the Myanmar army will be identified and eliminated or brought to justice. The Rohingya must also be united on the issue of Rohingya repatriation. The Rohingya inside Bangladesh are divided into various opinions and groups. The Arakan Army is campaigning strongly in the media that the Rohingya are fighting the Myanmar army against them. On the contrary, there is no campaign about why this is happening. This may create problems for the Rohingya to return to Rakhine. On January 16, the High Representative of the Principal Advisor on the Rohingya Issue and Priority Issues, Dr. Khalilur Rahman, visited the Rohingya camp. During his exchange of views with the Rohingya there, he advised them to stay united. Rohingya are still infiltrating Bangladesh from Myanmar and about 60,000 Rohingya have entered Bangladesh in the last one and a half to two years. The Myanmar government is preparing for national elections in Myanmar in 2025 and a census has been started in Myanmar to update the voter list for this election. According to analysts, the 2025 elections are a strategy for the military rulers to retain power. No. ASEAN told the Myanmar junta government on January 19 that it was urgent to restore peace in the country before holding elections amid the ongoing civil war and that planning for elections should not be a priority in the current situation. If elections are held in Rakhine, the Arakan Army will win and establish their rule.

Bangladesh sent a message of congratulations to the junta government as part of its regular diplomatic practice on January 4, 2025, Myanmar's 77th Independence Day. Although Bangladesh maintains good relations with the junta government, it has not yet established contact with the NUG or the Arakan Army. The repatriation of the Rohingya and the Rohingya crisis cannot be resolved without the Arakan Army. Although neighboring China, India and Thailand have not greeted the junta this time, these countries are in contact with the rebel groups in Myanmar to protect their interests. Currently, the Arakan Army is trying to establish diplomatic relations with various countries in addition to protecting foreign investments, businesses and projects in the Rakhine region. The Arakan Army is ready to resolve the ongoing conflict in Myanmar's Rakhine State through political means instead of military action. The Arakan Army said that it will provide the best protection and cooperation to China, India and other foreign investors in the areas under its control. They welcome all foreign investments that help in the development and progress of the Rakhine region. The Arakan Army offered relations with the Bangladesh government in 2022, but Bangladesh could not take advantage of that opportunity. At that time, the Arakan Army contacted Bangladesh and expressed a positive attitude towards the return of the Rohingya to Rakhine. Arakan Army Chief General Toai Mra Naing said that the Arakan Army is ready for any kind of cooperation in the repatriation of the Rohingya. For various reasons, Bangladesh has lagged behind in securing its own interests and is suffering due to not establishing contact and relations with the National Unity Government and the Arakan Army. In the current situation, we need to correct these mistakes and move forward. India and China have met with the Arakan Army delegation to protect their interests. It is not known that Bangladesh has taken any such initiative so far. Bangladesh needs to establish such contact with the Arakan Army. Apart from diplomatic channels, different countries make such contact in various ways for their needs. Bangladesh also needs to establish quick contact with the Arakan Army to protect its own interests and at the same time keep the relationship with the junta going. Keeping in mind the security and national interests of Bangladesh, they need to be implemented through discussions with the Myanmar junta and the Arakan Army. Bangladesh needs to quickly assess the Rakhine situation in the changing context and take a united decision on formulating new policies.

Brig. G. Hasan Md. Shamsuddin, NDC, AFWC, PSC, M.Phil (rtd.), researcher on Myanmar and Rohingya issues.

Southeast Asia is a tropical region located at the junction of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. The countries in this region are particularly rich due to the cultural influence of India and China as well as religious and social diversity. For example, Indonesia is influenced by Muslim culture, while other countries are mixed with Hindu, Buddhist and Christian cultures.

After World War II, the countries of South and Southeast Asia gained independence after ending colonial rule. After independence, the development of these regions attracted the attention of the world. Through the rise of nationalism, the development of young leadership, and socio-economic changes, these countries moved forward to form new states. However, even after independence, the countries of South and Southeast Asia have faced various challenges in their development trajectory. The obstacles observed in the development process of South and Southeast Asia are politically, socially, and economically complex.

Due to political instability, chaos and anarchy, establishing good governance in the countries of South Asia has become difficult. Lack of democracy and authoritarian rule are major obstacles to development. Due to the tribal, ethnic, and linguistic diversity among the people of this region, it is difficult to create unity. This becomes a major obstacle to establishing national unity. In addition, ensuring effective participation of the people in the political system is a major challenge.

Lack of active role of the people in practicing democracy and establishing good governance hinders development. Lack of good relations between the government, political parties, and citizens creates a crisis of cohesion in the development process. Interest-based groups and corruption exacerbate this crisis. The lack of proper distribution of government resources and services has created social imbalance in the countries of South and Southeast Asia. The lack of honest and efficient administration has perpetuated this problem.

Differences in religion and language in many cases create social instability and cultural divisions. This hinders economic and social development. As a result, effective strategies need to be adopted to address the development challenges of South and Southeast Asia. Sustainable development is possible in these regions if some specific steps are taken. One of which is the establishment of good governance and for this, good governance is essential to ensure democracy and transparency. Political reforms are needed to increase people's trust in the governance system.

Active participation of the people in development programs must be ensured. For this, education must be expanded and awareness must be raised. In addition, religious and linguistic diversity must be used as a supporting force for development because through this, it is possible to increase national unity and solidarity. In addition to ensuring social justice for overall development, local and international cooperation is required.

Where cooperation with international organizations, along with government and private initiatives, can accelerate the pace of development. After all, the countries of South and Southeast Asia have faced many challenges in the development process since independence. However, these challenges can be overcome by ensuring good governance, national unity, and public participation. Sustainable development can be ensured in this region through a combination of government and private initiatives.

Author: Head of Department, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Asian University of Bangladesh (AUB).

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